THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) — Populist far-right lawmaker Geert Wilders plunged Dutch politics into turmoil Tuesday by withdrawing his party’s ministers from the ruling coalition in a dispute over a crackdown on migration. The remaining ministers will run a caretaker administration until new elections can be organized.

The decision means the Netherlands will have a caretaker government when it hosts a summit of NATO leaders in three weeks.

Prime Minister Dick Schoof held an emergency Cabinet meeting to discuss the crisis and then visited King Willem-Alexander to offer him the resignations of ministers from Wilders’ Party for Freedom.

Schoof, a career civil servant who was handpicked by Wilders a year ago to lead the government, said he had repeatedly told coalition leaders in recent days that bringing down the government would be “unnecessary and irresponsible.”

“We are facing major challenges nationally and internationally and, more than ever, decisiveness is required for the safety of our resilience and the economy in a rapidly changing world,” Schoof said.

No date for a new election has been set, but it is unlikely before the fall.

Schoof’s 11-month-old administration goes down in history as one of the shortest-lived governments in Dutch political history.

Wilders announced his decision early Tuesday in a message on X after a brief meeting in parliament of leaders of the four parties that make up the fractious administration.

Wilders told reporters that he was withdrawing his support for the coalition and pulling his ministers out of the Cabinet over its failure to act on his desire for a clampdown on migration.

“I signed up for the toughest asylum policy and not the downfall of the Netherlands,” said Wilders, whose Party for Freedom is still riding high in Dutch opinion polls, though the gap with the center-left opposition is negligible.

Coalition partners rejected that argument, saying they all support cracking down on migration.

Prime minister appealed for leaders to act responsibly.

Dilan Yesilgöz, leader of the right-wing People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy, said before the meeting that Schoof urged the leaders to act responsibly.

“The prime minister who appealed to us this morning said that we are facing enormous international challenges, we have a war on our continent, an economic crisis may be coming our way,” Yesilgöz told reporters in parliament.

But just minutes later, the meeting was over and so was Wilders’ involvement in the government.

“I’m shocked,” Yesilgöz said, calling Wilders’ decision “super-irresponsible.”

After years in opposition, Wilders’ party won the last election on pledges to slash migration. He has grown increasingly frustrated at what he sees as the slow pace of the coalition’s efforts to implement his plans.

Last week, Wilders demanded coalition partners sign on to a 10-point plan that aims to radically slash migration, including using the army to guard land borders and turning away all asylum-seekers. He said at the time that if immigration policy is not toughened up, his party “is out of the Cabinet.”

He made good on that pledge Tuesday.

Wilders’ decision comes days after conservative Karol Nawrocki was announced the winner of Poland’s weekend presidential runoff election, a victory that suggests that Poland will likely take a more populist and nationalist path under its new president, who was backed by U.S. President Donald Trump.

It is not the first time Wilders has turned his back on power. He pledged his support to a minority government led by former Prime Minister Mark Rutte in 2010, but walked away less than two years later after a dispute about government austerity measures.

“You know that if you work with Wilders in a coalition … it won’t go well,” Rob Jetten, leader of the opposition D66 party, told Dutch broadcaster NOS.

Other coalition leaders look to uncertain political future.

Caroline van der Plas, leader of the pro-agriculture populist Farmers Citizens Movement that is part of the coalition, said she was angry at Wilders’ decision.

“He is not putting the Netherlands first, he is putting Geert Wilders first,” she told Dutch broadcaster NOS.

Nicolien van Vroonhoven, leader of the New Social Contract party that has taken a battering in polls since joining the coalition and the departure of its talismanic leader Pieter Omtzigt, said the government could continue without Wilders, saying a minority Cabinet “is definitely an option.” Schoof’s statement appeared to put an end to such a course of events.

Frans Timmermans, the former European Commission climate chief who now leads the main opposition bloc in parliament, welcomed Wilders’ decision. He said he would not support a minority government and called for fresh elections as soon as possible.

“Well, I think it’s an opportunity for all democratic parties to rid ourselves of the extremes because it’s clear that with the extremes you can’t govern. When things get difficult, they run away,” he told The Associated Press.

SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — Lee Jae-myung, who rose from childhood poverty to become South Korea’s leading liberal politician vowing to fight inequality and corruption, will become the country’s next president on Wednesday after an election that closed one of the most turbulent chapters in the young democracy.

Lee, 60, the candidate of the liberal opposition Democratic Party, is taking office for a full, single five-year term, succeeding Yoon Suk Yeol, a conservative who was felled over his stunning yet brief imposition of martial law in December.

It was unclear whether Lee’s election would cause any major, immediate shift in South Korea’s foreign policy. Lee, previously accused by critics of tilting toward China and North Korea and away from the U.S. and Japan, has repeatedly stressed South Korea’s alliance with the U.S. as the foundation of its foreign policy.

The toughest external challenges awaiting Lee are U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariff policy and North Korea’s advancing nuclear program. But experts earlier said whoever becomes president can’t do much to secure major progress in South Korea’s favor on those issues.

As of 3:45 a.m. Wednesday, with over 99% of the votes counted, Lee obtained 49.3% of the votes cast in Tuesday’s early election, while main conservative contender Kim Moon Soo trailed with 41.3% — a gap that was impossible to overcome mathematically.

Preelection surveys have long suggested Lee appeared headed for an easy win, riding on deep public frustration over the conservatives in the wake of Yoon’s martial law debacle.

Even before Lee’s win was formally declared, Kim conceded, telling journalists that he “humbly accepts the people’s choice,” and congratulated Lee.

Earlier, Lee appeared before thousands of cheering supporters on Seoul’s streets. He didn’t formally claim victory, but reiterated his major policy goals, such as revitalizing the economy, promoting peace with North Korea and easing a domestic divide.

“Let us move forward with hope and make a fresh start from this moment on,” he said. “Though we may have clashed for some time, even those who did not support us are still our fellow citizens of the Republic of Korea.”

Lee, who served as governor of Gyeonggi province and mayor of Seongnam city, has been a highly divisive figure in politics for years.

As a former child laborer known for his inspirational rags-to-riches story, Lee came to fame through biting criticism of the country’s conservative establishment and calls to build a more assertive South Korea in foreign policy. That rhetoric has given him an image as someone who can institute sweeping reforms and fix the country’s deep-seated economic inequality and corruption.

His critics view him as a dangerous populist who relies on political division and backpedals on promises too easily.

On foreign policy, Lee has vowed to pursue pragmatic diplomacy. He has promised to develop the alliance with the U.S. and solidify a trilateral Seoul-Washington-Tokyo partnership, a stance that isn’t much different from the position held by South Korea’s conservatives.

“We’ll have to now see if the pressures of office will cause Lee Jae-myung to govern from the center — at least when it comes to matters of national security and the alliance with the United States,” said Ankit Panda, an expert with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Lee said that he would pursue better ties with North Korea, but acknowledged that it would be “very difficult” to hold a summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un anytime soon. This signals Lee won’t likely initiate any drastic steps meant to improve relations with North Korea.

Experts say there aren’t many diplomatic options for South Korea as it tries to address Trump’s tariff hikes and calls for South Korea to pay more for the cost of the U.S. military presence, as well as North Korea’s headlong pursuit of nuclear weapons. Experts say that has made both Lee and other candidates avoid unveiling ambitious foreign policy goals.

Paik Wooyeal, a professor at Seoul’s Yonsei University, said that foreign policy strategists for Lee understand there isn’t much South Korea can do to bring about a denuclearization of North Korea. Paik said Lee also doesn’t share the Korean nationalistic zeal held by ex-liberal President Moon Jae-in, who met Kim Jong Un three times during his 2017-22 term.

There are still hopes that diplomacy between the U.S. and North Korea could resume, with Trump repeatedly expressing his intent to reach out to Kim Jong Un. Lee has said that he would support Trump’s outreach.

“South Korea and the United States may be better aligned on engaging North Korea under the current constellation of leadership in both countries,” Panda said. “The two sides should begin consultations soon to ensure they’re aligned on their goals.”

Lee’s government still could become engaged in “a little bit of friction” with the Trump administration, said Chung Jin-young, a former dean of the Graduate School of Pan-Pacific International Studies at South Korea’s Kyung Hee University.

Chung predicted Lee still won’t be able to pursue overly drastic steps on foreign policy and security, given the country’s foreign exchange and financial markets are vulnerable to such changes.

Lee has preached patience over Trump’s tariff policy, arguing it would be a mistake to rush negotiations in pursuit of an early agreement with Washington.

On Monday, South Korean trade officials held an emergency meeting to discuss a response to Trump’s announcement that the U.S. will raise tariffs on steel and aluminum products to 50% beginning Wednesday. South Korea’s central bank last week sharply lowered its 2025 growth outlook to 0.8%, citing the potential impact of Trump’s tariff hikes and weak domestic demand worsened by the political turmoil of past months.

The election serves as another defining moment in the country’s resilient democracy, but observers worry a worsened domestic divide could pose a big political burden on the new president.

The past six months saw large crowds of people rallying to either denounce or support Yoon, while a leadership vacuum caused by Yoon’s impeachment and ensuing formal dismissal rattled the country’s high-level diplomatic activities and financial markets.

Lee has promised to heal the national split, but his vow to thoroughly hold those involved in Yoon’s martial law stunt accountable has sparked concerns that he would use investigations to launch political retaliations against his opponents.

“The next question is just how Lee will represent and protect South Korea’s democracy,” said Soo Kim, a former CIA Korea analyst and geopolitical risk consultant.

“Will South Korea’s politics still remain focused on retribution, or will Seoul finally look beyond this and work constructively and progressively for the country’s best long-term democratic interests?” she said. “It’s a tall order for Lee.”